Saturday, November 2, 2013

Reflection #2 - Perspectives on Imagery and Oral History


Archival Image – Michigan Migrant Ministry

I decided to go back through the Bentley archive holdings of the Michigan Migrant Ministry (MMM). Established by the Home Missions Council of North America in 1940, this Protestant group focused on bringing welfare and ministry to migrant workers throughout the State of Michigan. More specifically they focused on Mexican Migrant laborers, and with our interviewee, Emily Martinez, being a former farm worker advocate, I though it would be interesting to hear her perspective vs. the perspectives of ministry workers in this group.

Very few of the documents actually produced images, but this one struck me because it embodies the writings of the MMM. Not only were they as a group trying to minister and provide welfare and schooling, but their focus in their letters and reports also reflected their hope that the communities they started centers in would adopt the Mexican Migrant workers into their churches. Its simplicity reflects the MMM itself; the group ran on a few core values, and had a relatively simple message (at least from their pov): bringing Christian service to Migrants. As I read more of the archive, some of the letters and other writings gave off an evangelical mindset. Welfare was still important but religious ministry was definitely at the forefront of the MMM. I will be interested to see if Emily Martinez has ever heard of the group, and if so, what she thinks of the Protestant Group.  

I like this image because it does lack the frippery you often see in other religious symbols. Your eyes are drawn to the language; more often than not extravagant religious symbols overshadow the message of writing that complements it. I also think this image is telling of what the MMM’s first and foremost focus is; religious conversion. I find it interesting that this group would spend so much time with a predominantly Catholic group of migrant workers, and I believe their focused of welfare was true, but their underlying hope was religious conversion. 






Oral History – Rosie Castro

Background

Rosie Castro was born in 1947 and grew up an only child in San Antonio, Texas. Raised by a single mom, she spent much of her childhood alone while her mother worked cleaning houses to keep food on the table and eventually send her to Catholic School. Rosie said it was there that her awakenings to the injustices truly began. Seeing the treatment of her mother by Anglo employers, Rosie spent her school days (K-12) at the Catholic school, where she eventually became class president, as well as organized a youth club to expand her high school to other kids. While there, she said she was exposed to the gospels of social justice. Espeically after an incidence where children through rocks at her while walking down the street and called her a greaser, Rosie said she knew the social injustice wasn’t right. She also noticed this with the treatment of the African Americans in her neighborhood. In her interview with Maria Cotera, Rosie said, “Social justice was about your fellow human being and if we were all children of God, and again I was little but there was something really wrong with not allowing African Americans into places.”

After graduating high school, Rosie entered college at Our Lady of the Lake. It was there that her intrigue with policy and politics blossomed. Her college mentor, Margaret Kramer, introduced her to many Democrats in the area. From there, Rosie began the Young Democrats club on campus, where she organized students to help on campaigns and other political events. At 21 she ended up chairing one of these events which brought together Democrats from around the area in Texas. It was around this time in her early 20s that she also realized the injustices within the party she had organized a college group behind. The Democratic Party both nationally and statewide had very few Latinos on their boards. When it came to funding, she said they put more money into roads and agriculture than Chicano education. She said “The use us to win elections but when it comes to policy change, that never happens”. Thus, her involvement with La Raza Unida began.

La Raza Unida & Feminism

As soon as I heard Rosie say “La Raza Unida” I had a flashback to one of our classes where we discussed the Chicano movement. Rosie’s narrative of her involvement, and of the role women played in the movement itself, provided a voice to the various articles and books we’ve read. Rosie specifically discussed her involvement with the SASA (San Antonio Savings Association) boycott in 1970 when she was arrested and put in jail. She said they were boycotting SASA for the way its owner, Walter McAllister, portrayed Mexicans. She also brought up the brutality of the police during that time.  There was a year where there were so many police brutality cases that were both local in San Antonio and throughout the state of Texas. For a short time that brutality stopped. “It was great no one was killing Chicanos” said Rosie. “When you take on these struggles you think that’s the last, you cured the injustice.” But the violence towards Chicanos continued.

Rosie said one of the great things about La Raza Unida was not only the involvement of the Latino people in politics (which had been few and far between for many years), but also the commitment from Chicana women. “There’s so many more women involved now in politics and movements which is great because it wasn’t that way at all,” said Rosie. What I deduced from her oral history was that these women like herself began the movement for Latina women into politics, and were truly the backbone for future Chicanas in policy. Her story reflected some of the common narratives we’ve been discussing in books like “500 Years of Chicana History” by Elizabeth Martinez.

I did find it interesting however that her comments about the Feminist Movement reflected that of her future children. She mentioned how the Feminist Movement’s perspective was too much about abortion and other issues that Chicanas were not focused on or did not have problems with. “The key issue at the time was institutional racism for both men and women” said Rosie, which was something the Women’s Movement tended to overlook (this reminded me and reinforced the ideas behind our discussion on the PBS Film “MAKERS: Women Who Make America” and how the highlight discourse reflected the Women’s Movement, Black Women’s Movement, and Lesbians within the Feminist Movement but didn’t touch on other minority issues, etc). I also found it interesting that she called them out on the issue of being mothers. Though Rosie herself admitted to not being the traditional Mexican woman, she did say that “The motivation for a lot of what we did was family, despite the fact that we didn’t have our kids yet…it was because the racism needed to stop, the unequal treatment needed to stop before our children had to go through it.” She also said that the Women’s Movement did see Chicanas as feminist because we weren’t pushing the “right” issues, but for Chicanas, Rosie said, the issues they pushed were the ones that they felt were most important, that is the issues of integrating Chicanas and Chicanos into the rights of the United States.   

Making History

Rosie sat in front of a brick wall, which I actually really liked because it brought just enough contrast, but not too much to where it distracted from her and what she had to say. Having Maria Cotera sit out of site, but close enough to hear, worked really well in her interview with Rosie because you felt as if she were a guide, something that we were told the CPMR project aimed for during interviews. Some of the cuts to the video made it difficult to transition, but for the most part, I liked the partitions in between Rosie’s comments as she changed focus. 

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