Lessons Learned
Before I delve into my reflection and what I
gained from taking this course, I think it is important to preface this
discussion with why I decided to take AC 498 to begin with. As an American
culture major, I was looking for another class to fulfill one of my
requirements. I could take another 496 class or a 498 course. There really weren't that many, but the course on Latina Oral History caught my eye from the
beginning. Judging by its course description it appeared to be very much
focused on hands-on participation. Not only that, but students would get to
learn some new skills. I had done very little archival work on my own time, as
most of my own research concerns could be located in books that were readily
accessible. As a discipline, oral history was new to me. None of my other
history courses covered it and so that fascinated me. Lastly, the history of
Latinas interested me, particularly Chicana feminism. The chance to meet such
activists in person and learn there stories as part of a project meant to give
new perspectives for future research was something too intriguing to pass up.
Searching for new perspectives is something of importance to me in my own
research and this course enabled me to see many more.
To begin it has been both difficult and
stimulating to try and understand the complex narratives that come together to
form what is called Chicana Feminism. The reasons for this are myriad. The
first of which is that Chicana remains a term not completely applicable to all
the women that we interviewed and certainly not to all Latinas. Indeed,
Chicana, and the adoption of Chicanismo, is specific to a certain group of
female activists who wanted to reclaim and support their own native identities
and sexuality. But there are differences among them that complicate and
frustrate this narrative. In navigating this course and others, I have come to
learn that there are no terms that are universally applicable to entire groups.
Chicana? Feminist? Some of the activists that we had the privilege of
interviewing would scoff at one or both of them. Indeed, Jane Garcia, whom my
partner and I had the pleasure of interviewing, certainly would not identify as
being a feminist even if, through her actions and dynamism, some would like to
label her as such.
The second reason that Chicana Feminism has
been a topic of difficulty for me is because of the term of feminism. What is
feminism? Some scholars, some activists, some women will give you different definitions. Indeed, feminism means
different things to different people. I will not offer a definition of feminism
here as I don’t have one of my own, and I certainly don’t feel comfortable
giving more than a regurgitated set of scholarly definitions. I’m not sure if
that was the purpose of this course—to complicate whatever understanding of
feminism I had prior to taking this class? I do know that feminism is real and
it touches everyone. But it’s definition remains elusive. The problem with it,
too, is that who can say what feminism is? Who has that power? I like to
consider feminism something that is organic; it grows in different ways in
response to social stimuli both internally and externally. It’s not
static. I don’t think a single
definition would be able to cover all of these changes and it certainly would
not include all of the people that consider themselves feminists.
The history of Chicana Feminism itself is quite
complex. The diverse narratives and different identities that make up both
Chicanas and feminists mark the pages of Chicana Feminist history. A closer
look at Chicana Feminism reveals its multiplicity. It resists the dominant
narrative that makes up activism and feminism, even my understanding of
Chicanismo. In this class, I have again come up against the problem of dealing
with the dominant narrative. Too often do we allow our practice of history to
take into account only a select few groups, topics, or themes. This glosses
over the particular nature of history and reduces it to a set of repetitive
facts and trends that are more easily digestible. Looking at history from a
magnifying lens, one can see all of the intricate connections that make up the
greater narrative. The distinctions that were once invisible at a greater
distance suddenly reveal themselves and add another layer of intrigue. You
suddenly realize that there are an infinite number of questions and there is
much more to be known.
Looking at history from different perspectives
produces works like those of Maylei Blackwell and Kimberly Springer. Offering new
perspectives or looking at accounts from a unique angle makes for better, more
nuanced history. I've learned from this course that history is more than a
story of the victors, it is also a story of the favored and those that do the
most but only in the fashion that people want things done. That I had never
heard of women like Anna Nieto-Gomez was due to both my ignorance of Chicana
feminist and also of her being written out of mainstream feminist history. It
is through this process of ignoring certain key figures and events that we
manufacture an incomplete historical structure—in this case it relates to
feminism.
The best example of this that I learned of was
the archive. I had previously only given to thought to the ways in which
historians focused on certain narratives, but I had never considered how
important archives were in the process of doing history. The things that I
found most astonishing were the ability of archives to disregard certain
materials in favor of others and to only hold on to those considered of value
and/or that were popular. Here I was thinking that archivist kept everything by
nature of their profession. This was a kind of vicious cycle. How were
researchers supposed to do work without a facility in which to find pertinent
items? A lack of materials on a certain topic in archives results in a dearth
of new and innovative research on that topic. Research interests help drive
what material archives keep and maintain.
Moreover, by not acknowledging certain
histories or marginalizing them, we label them as unimportant. This course has
brought this dilemma to the forefront for me. Solving issues pertaining to
sexism and racism require social action, of course, but we need to face the
issue of how we historicize as well. Disregarding a group’s past will only
teach us to marginalize them in the present. Privileging one narrative over
others also teaches us to value on group over another. That is one reason why
many feminist activists strove to create departments and courses pertaining to
them. History is a way of anchoring yourself in the past and the present. When
in search of themselves oppressed groups often look to the past, for it
provides both meaning and solidarity.
In the
case of women and feminism, the mainstream narrative was that of white,
middle-class feminists with a small smattering of only the most well-known or
outspoken black feminists. Where were the Chicanas and other Latinas? The
Asians and Native Americans? This teaches us to look at history as being
dominated by certain groups with the other narratives only scribbled in the
margins, which is why we get disciplines and fields titled Latina history or
women’s history. That is not to say that labels and distinctions are not
important; however, if we must label and distinguish one history from another
then it must be done for all such narratives. If there is a women’s history
then so too must there be a men’s history—though I think if that were the case
we would quickly realize how ridiculous the idea of arbitrary distinctions is.
I learned one of the best lessons of the course
during the interview of Jane Garcia. Jane identified as Chicana but was not a
feminist and was also a republican. She was far from conservative. I got the
sense from her that this was woman who was used to pushing boundaries. Her
marriage with her husband—though she followed traditional cultural marriage
norms at some level—was an example of this. I remember her telling a story
about the beginning of her marriage when women were initially required to eat
standing in the kitchen after cooking. Only the men were allowed at the table.
Well, Jane Garcia took a seat at the table, and though the men objected, they
eventually got used to it. She also worked when her husband didn't think it was
necessary. She snuck in hours as a teacher in order to help pay the bills. Jane
hid her checks from her husband until a time of need. Since then, he did not
seem to have a problem with her working.
It was hard to believe that his little woman
with an infectious laugh and smile could be so dynamic. She had in her
possession letters of correspondence from a number of corporations,
politicians, and activist groups. That she was somehow able to influence and
touch so many people was astounding to me. To me, Jane was something of a
watchdog. She looked out for the community that raised her. She was very active,
not just for Chicanas and Chicanos, but for anyone facing discrimination or
hardship. My amazement was compounded by the fact that she also identifies as a
republican. Activism and republicanism are often seen as being on opposite ends
on the political and social ideological spectrum, yet there she is, right snug
in the middle.
Jane
Garcia is one example of a person who frustrates the idea of what many might think
of a Chicana activist. Indeed, she adds a new perspective. While some might
consider most republicans of color to be upper-middle class or wealthy, those
things don’t adequately describe her. While she may have changed her class
status, as she was raised by a single mother, much of her work she does for
free. Moreover, she is never away from her community. And because she is so
close to her community, I do not see Jane being a part of something that does
not benefit them. Hardline political identification can isolate people, and
Jane is trying to integrate the problems of the poor and oppressed into the
political mainstream. Though she did not say this explicitly during our
interview, from her words and actions you see Jane as someone who does not want
to assimilate to anything. Rather, she changes things so that they serve the
people the best. Perhaps this can explain her work as a republican. Should only
the liberal democrats serve the needs of underrepresented groups? If Jane were
to answer that question, I think she would say no. Poverty and racial prejudice
can really only be solved once everyone is involved in the process of their
extinction. There can be no divisions in terms of their eradication. And it was
this lesson that stuck with me the most.
Jane Garcia’s added perspective alongside the
books and essays that we read really helped me to understand how nuanced history
actually is. In order to work as a historian, I need to constantly try and
envision the possible narratives that are missing from my own work. Obviously,
I won’t be able to account for them all, but the first step is to recognize
them. I should be thinking to myself: What’s missing? Rather than just assuming
that I’ve covered all that there is to know. Constant reevaluation of our
perspective and our own particular biases is a good thing. History, like so
many other academic disciplines, is a social and political tool. It influences
us even when we think it doesn't Today’s ripples in the political, social, and
economic spheres could have their genesis in the decades preceding this moment.
And if they don’t, then they are very likely to be connected to the past in
some way. The current social and political climes seem to operate under the
notion that we exist now in a time when so much of our history is done. Some pundits
and journalists argue that we live in a post-racial society and women have
greater access to positions of power. I disagree with the former, but the
latter is certainly true. We have a president who identifies as black, a female
(before her retirement) secretary of state who is likely going to run for
president (with a good chance of success), and an increasing number of minority
women obtaining high income jobs. But these are only significant within a
historical context. We can only fully appreciate them if we take into account
the perspectives of the people that they are a part of and their struggles. Therefore,
we should be striving to make better history. Better history has more
perspectives.
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