Be prepared to talk about this on Monday!

Question 1
In chapter one, Springer describes how many Black women, especially those who thought of themselves as “revolutionary” saw gender inequity as something that would work itself out as they worked side by side with revolutionary Black men in struggle (26-28). How does this help us to better understand the context of the mass resignation letter of women from the LA Brown Berets (we talked about this at the beginning of the semester, and we read Dionne Espinoza’s piece “Revolutionary Sisters”)? Realted documents:

Arellanes resignation letter

BPP Women talk about Women’s Liberation

Question 2
In chapter two, Springer describes the organizational structures of NBFO, NABF, Combahee, and the Third World Women’s Alliance. She focuses on various organizing models, breaking them down into two general categories: structure-less, and hierarchical. Think about the social justice organizations or other kinds of groups that you have been involved in. What kind of organization model did they use to get things done? Which of these models do you think has the most potential for success? Why?

Question 3
Think about Barbara Smith’s statement on page 75, that in social movements “people who write get far more visibility than those who don’t.” This observation is definitely born out in the scant writing that documents Chicana feminist thought (Alma Garcia’s book is a compendium of Chicana feminist writings, Maylei Blackwell’s book focuses on “print cultures” in the formation of counter publics).  Given that women who produced a written record of their thinking and activities (who tended to be more privileged and were more likely college educated) tend to loom larger in the historical record, how might historians recover the history of women who might have worked in the trenches as organizers, but not produced any writing? Is oral history one possible way to reveal the histories of women who did NOT write? If so, why?

Question 4
In chapter four, Springer focuses on the spaces and practices that helped to shape Black feminist political thought. Like Blackwell, she talks about the importance of print culture, conferences and consciousness-raising to the development of a Black feminist counter-public.

1) Take a look at the TWWA consciousness-raising documents on Ctools. What do these documents tell you about TWWA’s goals and political perspective.

2) Think about Springer’s account of the NBFO-organized Eastern Regional Conference (1973) in comparison to Blackwell’s account of the 1971 National Chicana Conference in Houston. What are some of the similarities and differences in these two accounts?

3) Look at an issues of TWWA’s publication: Triple Jeopardy (on ctools). What kinds of issues are foregrounded? What does this tell you about the TWWA’s priorities? About their vision of “feminisms”?

Question 4
Define “cognitive liberation.” How night this concept be applied to other contexts?